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The particle pun in modern Indonesian and Malaysian receives a minimalist treatment in grammars and handbooks. The common view is that pun marks the subject of a clause and gives it emphasis. The role of pun , in fact, is much more complex. This article describes the word categories with which pun can be combined, the syntactic functions of pun including the modifying of predicates and objects, as well as acting as conjunction between clauses , and the variety of meanings that pun and its derivatives some 25 of them: adapun , andaipun , The corpus of texts that has been used encompasses the main idioms used, mainly in written form, in Indonesia and Malaysia from the early 20th century to the early 21st.

The differences between modern and classical Malay are not only of frequency but of function too. Pun is only one particle in the system of Malaysian-Indonesian grammar and one understands that it cannot receive more than a summary treatment in handbooks. But the result is a treatment that is insufficient or even neglectful and often misleading. It transpires that the analysis of the functions and meanings of pun depends largely on the intuition and impressions of the various authors.

It is also the case with some modern ones, particularly the two official standard books Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia and Tatabahasa Dewan This article aims to provide an exhaustive analysis of pun , which could be useful for future textbooks. This standpoint may have to be justified though. Many people—linguists or plain locutors of Indonesian and Malaysian—have the feeling that the functions and meanings of pun are clear and well known.

It can also act like a linking adjunct, as discussed in section 2. Whatever its function, pun always follows the subject of the clause and acts to emphasise it. This statement is twice incorrect: pun does not always follow the subject of a clause; pun does not always act to emphasise it—far from it. According to the official Malaysian grammar Tatabahasa Dewan , pun has only one function, to put emphasis on a phrase, which again is most incorrect.

The defective treatment of pun in the two official grammars is reflected in the comparative book of Hasan Alwi , which contains no specific paragraph on pun and reports no particular difference in its use in Indonesian and Malaysia, while the opposite is amply demonstrated below.

Steinhauer has the merit of not mentioning emphasis; pun is described in sections The only decent treatment of pun is found in Asmah , which ignores the syntactic functions of pun but mentions its four meanings under the names persamaan , waktu , kepastian and tolak ansur or tokokan.

But the notion of emphasis is eminently unclear: it actually means indexing a word in a sentence and assigning it a place or a meaning that can be multifarious. No textbook describes the syntactic functions of pun either although TBD signals that pun can affect a predicate : can pun modify an object, a patient, a circumstantial clause?

No one knows. The way the six handbooks record those meanings under various designations is summed up in the following diagram:. This has been clearly established for classical Malay by authors like Ajamiseba, Goddart, Cumming and others, and it is equally valid for the modern varieties of the language.

We will see examples of pun in one clause only, but in the majority of those cases too, the said clause refers to a linguistic given, either mentioned in a preceding clause or implicit.

An example of pun in an isolated clause is often unintelligible because its meaning only appears in comparison with the preceding clause or clauses. By the early days of the Malay written tradition I mean the Jawi tradition. Singapore Malay is only represented by one title in the corpus used here. It is assumed that Singapore Malay is identical with Malaysian, but this would need to be substantiated. However, the basic uses of pun are common to the two languages and can be formulated in terms valid for Indonesian as well as Malaysian, except when specified otherwise.

Differences are not only found between Indonesian and Malaysian, but also between the various registers of both languages. This study takes into account three Indonesian registers standard, Jakartanese, Chinese Malay and three Malaysian ones standard, colloquial, youth language. No text in Malaysian regional dialects Kedah, Terengganu, etc.

However, some regional words, understood by everyone, are found in modern colloquial Malaysian; a few will be found in some examples below, e. In this regard, the majority of the population currently uses a variant of the standard language bahasa baku , bahasa resmi , which presents with this standard a very diverse variation from one group to another according to various parameters ethnic origin, social background, age, education. A fraction of the urban population, mainly young people, and more especially in Jakarta, employs a dialect of standard Indonesian, commonly known as Jakartanese, which is described in J.

This idiom strongly influences the informal varieties of Indonesian spoken by the majority of the population; it is not, however, the main informal register, neither is it the only source of informal words in the informal regiters, so that the notion of Indonesian diglossia see Sneddon, , is actually much debatable.

Ardan and Firman Muntaco. Some authors of novels for the young public use a greater or lesser number of words belonging to these various registers, but one always remains within the framework of the standard language comprehensible by everyone. Iskandar, Remy Sylado, and Putu Wijaya have, so to speak, no slang character. In summary, it is impossible to obtain representative specimens of colloquial Indonesian through written sources.

In rural areas, people speak Malay dialects not different languages. Standard Malaysian is mainly spoken in cities. Its use, however, is limited to very formal situations, and is much more restricted than that of standard Indonesian. This informal Malaysian is ignored by linguistic studies and textbooks, but part of its vocabulary is recorded in the standard Malaysian dictionary, the Kamus Dewan.

These daily very short articles, probably more than 2, in number, are made of dialogs accompanied from time to time with explanatory notes that illustrate the confusions that may raise from the different meanings of a word in viarious idioms, mainly the standard bahasa baku and one of the Northern dialects. In addition to the specific interest of this type of comparison, these articles constitute a valuable collection of dialogs in informal Malay—artificial dialogs admittedly but written by an author most aware of idiomatic distinctions.

I used 84 of these articles accessible on Facebook , representing about 34, words. My examples of colloquial Malaysian are taken from three sources: from the column Mewah Bahasa , from novels notably by A. Fixi, Dubook, and Lejen. Essentially, it is made of novels written by young authors about the milieu of urban young bourgeois, especially students.

The linguistic characteristic of these novels is the use of a colloquial idiom in a sufficiently strong proportion so that the novels are difficult to understand to someone familiar with the standard register only. Unlike Indonesia, the colloquial register is therefore accessible in dozens of novels.

This is a real translation, and it was necessary because the original, massively written in the idiomatic register of young Malaysian city dwellers of the s, is difficult to understand for most Indonesian readers.

The translation is not devoid of wrong or clumsy renderings, but it is interesting and effective, as it manages to transpose, sentence by sentence, the idiom of the original into the common register of current Indonesian novels intended for a young audience, the idiom of the novel remaja.

And it is striking that, while the Malaysian version is written in a register radically different from the standard Malaysian, the Indonesian version is written in a form of standard Indonesian flavoured with some idiomatic vocabulary and usages.

Each of these two registers actually contained several varieties. The Dutch, who were concerned with standardization for the needs of administration and education, were promoting High Malay, which would indeed be at the origin of the national language. Low Malay had, however, acquired a literary status in some newspapers and magazines, as well as fiction books, which were mostly produced and run by Chinese people living in Indonesia, whose vehicular was Low Malay. Due to this predominance of Chinese actors, this written variety of Low Malay has been called Chinese Malay, but Claudine Salmon has established that it was actually the language spoken at the time in the big cities of Java, without distinction of ethnic origin.

This Low Malay ceased to exist with the Second World War, but it is attested in a very important written production: several thousand titles published between and The period considered represents about a century, the publications being used as sources lying between and The beginning of the 20th century corresponds, very roughly, to a stage in the evolution of both languages, when the progress of education, printing, press and governmental policy lead to a certain standardization.

On the other hand, describing Indonesian and Malaysian uses together amounts to sketching a comparison between the two languages, which highlights what brings them together and what differentiates them, and which also suggests possible evolutions: we will see some uses of pun exclusively limited to Malaysian; they are not attested for Indonesian in my corpus, even though they exist potentially.

The fact that pun has evolved in a spectacular way in Malaysian during the last decades, as illustrated below, shows that a similar development in Indonesian is plausible. I also used several examples read or heard randomly during the gestation period of this article. In total a corpus of more than four million words has been consulted. However, not all sources were scrutinized with the same rigor and an early attempt to quantify the results in order to produce statistics had to be abandoned.

This means that, for the most part, the corpus does not consist of works selected according to criteria established on a theoretical basis, but depends on the hazards of the internet. It is precisely thanks to this mass of documents, that can be consulted quickly, in a systematic and repetitive way, that a very large number of occurrences of pun could be taken into account. It is not impossible that this type of error affects one or the other examples quoted here.

It happens however that, except for the latter, Indonesian novels first published before the spelling reform of have been consulted in later editions, the spelling of which had been modernised.

All the examples quoted below come from original, most of them written, Indonesian and Malaysian sources. Examples quoted with quotation marks are lines of dialog. References to the sources of the examples are collected in the bibliography at the end of the article. They are divided into two sections Indonesian and Malaysian and quoted in the text according to a code that indicates their language and date of publication e.

In order to underscore the difference between the number of a quote and the number of its source, the latter is printed in italics between brackets, while the former is printed in roman between square brackets e. The functions of pun as a clitic particle belong to two categories:. Surprisingly, this is not always easy. Common wisdom has it that the word indexed by pun is the noun phrase, or even the word, that precedes it, but this is not always the case.

Here are two examples, one Indonesian and one Malaysian:. Juga sebaliknya. Jika aku meminjam buku pun , aku sering lupa mengembalikannya. And vice-versa. If I borrowed a book, I often forgot to return it. This is determined by the context. Aku sebaliknya. I was the reverse, etc. The comparison of the two statements make clear that the subject of the opposition, which is what pun underlines, is not the same: in the first quote it is the act of borrowing and pun indexes the conditional clause , while in the second one it is the object borrowed and pun indexes the word buku.

This again is determined by the context, which indicates that it is not the place that is underlined, but the people, so that pun indexes the subject. Clearly excepted from construction with pun are classifiers, interjections and particles. Moreover, the use of pun with some categories is much more frequent than others, some have limitations e.

To assert that pun can qualify any word or part of speech is clearly unsatisfactory. Nouns, including substantives [3, 4], names [5, 6] and nominalised adjectives [7, 8]. In modern idiomatic Malaysian, it may happen that the pronoun is foreign, as in [11]. Verbs, both intransitive [12, 13] and transitive [14, 15], this last category being extremely rare.

Menangis pun tidak. Dibakar pun tak bisa.

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