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Music in JavaIts History, Its Theory and Its Technique

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lagu ajeg bali marginal In Bali, the nexus between the quest for a uniquely regional — Balinese — identity and the return to a nostalgic and neologistic traditionalism permeates contemporary representations of Balinese female identity. Percentage of articles in the Bali Post dealing with women. In the twenty-first century, however, this pioneering fire seems to have gone out. Rini, another frequent Bali Vtu cad solution book contributor who takes a strongly conservative stance. Endnotes [1] For example, sixty-one women This tendency is demonstrated in the coverage of regular seminars focusing on women's issues held in Bali and reported in the Bali Post. The conflict between traditional Balinese lagu ajeg bali marginal and secular modernity will continue to present particular obstacles to female autonomy in Bali in the post-Suharto period, as the demands of modernity are marginalised lagu ajeg bali marginal favour of cultural cohesion. more information nokia x2 ringtone cutter May 18,  · Lagu Bali HarmoniA paling HIT - Duration: Bagus Petualang , views. Viral - JUARA SATU - GUNG MAS Lagu Bali anak anak terpopuler - Duration: Aug 24,  · Rising Star,..(Jerry.s) seorang pemusik dari singaraja bali.,dan pencinta seni,.karya karyanya lahir dari inpirasi kehidupan sosial yang saat ini terjadi dan. Informasi tempat wisata alam, budaya, kuliner khas bali, bali united, belajar bahasa bali, kunci gitar, lirik lagu bali, dan lowongan kerja di bali.

Percentage of Articles Dealing with Women Figure 4. The Bali Post publishes regular feature articles on women and gender issues. The majority of commentators on women are themselves women, except on matters of interpretations of scriptural religion, traditionally the domain of men. In many cases, the gender identity of the writer is not clear since Bali Post staff reporters are identified only by their initials.

The Sunday edition has the magazine and human interest focus common to most Sunday newspapers and its featured columns differ from the standard weekday coverage; these columns are listed in Table 3.

The coverage of women's issues in each of the columns is shown in Figure 5. The largest number of articles concerning women are found in the regular 'Bali' column of the newspaper 53 articles, 25 per cent , although women's issues also feature prominently in the Sunday edition's 'Apresiasi' column 34, 15 per cent.

Sunday Columns in the Bali Post Thematically, feature articles on women published in the Bali Post between and can be subdivided into five major groups. The most significant groups comprise articles dealing with general issues of women's rights in Indonesia 77 articles, 33 per cent , and those which make claims for specifically Balinese notions of femininity and gender roles 67 articles, 28 per cent. These two major thematic concerns represent 61 per cent of the articles on women in the Bali Post Archive.

There is also considerable coverage of women as practitioners and audiences of literature and the arts 27 articles, 11 per cent , and of human interest stories 32 articles, 13 per cent. A diverse range of other issues including health, sexuality and tourism 37 articles, 15 per cent also receive attention see Figure 6. Because it is not possible to cover all these areas within a single article, in the following sections, I will focus on the first two groups of articles, those that are specifically concerned with gender and identity.

Figure 6. A month later another new magazine, Bali Lain , also focused its second issue on women, with its main feature article entitled 'Not Women's Fate' [ Bukan Suratan Perempuan ]. Both publications presented themselves as being concerned with 'Balinese culture,' and the simultaneous appearance of two magazines devoted exclusively to gender issues underlines the central importance of the place of women in Balinese identity discourse at that time.

Sarad , more culturally conservative than Bali Lain , was particularly concerned in its special issue with refuting any suggestion that Balinese women suffered systematic cultural oppression by demonstrating the open and democratic nature of Balinese culture, at least if viewed in its own terms.

Bali Lain , on the other hand, hinted at other possibilities and choices for Balinese women, although such choices generally require women to turn their backs on the 'repressive' cultural practices in Bali and seek alternatives in national, and occasionally international, feminist models and arguments.

In their by-lines both Sarad and Bali Lain draw attention to the problematic nature of definitions of women and culture in Bali. Their cover stories highlight the often contradictory, almost mutually exclusive, nature of much of this media discourse which seeks to recognise women's rights to equality in the modern sense, and at the same time to restrict that equality to rigidly-defined, culturally appropriate and gendered spheres.

Balinese gender values and roles are presented as supportive and nurturing, provided women behave in culturally appropriate ways, although there is little that is able to reconcile the practices and attitudes advocated with the goals of personal freedom. Within this culturally-focused discourse, rhetorical questions about the repressive nature of Balinese culture such as that encapsulated in the Sarad headline questioning the truth of claims of oppression are invariably answered in the negative.

This tendency is demonstrated in the coverage of regular seminars focusing on women's issues held in Bali and reported in the Bali Post. Articles which by their titles seem to suggest critique instead declare that Balinese culture does not oppress women. Appealing to Balinese traditional cultural values virtually precludes more secular forms of modernity. Nevertheless, certain media commentators recognise only too well the tensions for modern Balinese women in juggling the demands of domestic duties, participation in the work force, and the exhausting demands of full participation in the traditional religious and cultural adat responsibilities which provide social and family cohesion.

Luh Putu Sendratari, a regular contributor to Kartini Day commemorations, is a persistent voice calling into question many of the normative views set out by culturally conservative writers like Suryani and critiquing their spurious arguments about the inviolable sanctity of traditions that continue to repress women.

Thus, in the coverage of women's issues in the Bali Post in the last five years, there exists a clear division between articles that might best be described as concerned with broad issues of women's rights and social and political emancipatory needs and goals—a kind of 'secular view' of gender—and those that seek to define Balinese women in terms of their innate nature and the traditional cultural roles that dominate current Balinese identity discourses—an exclusively 'Balinese' religious-cultural view.

This bifurcation suggests that the public media definition of a specifically Balinese female identity is not connected closely to ideas about emancipation but is instead tied to religious and cultural identities. Below I will examine in detail each of these two kinds of writing on gender. Editorial comment in the Bali Post specifically on women's issues is exclusively targeted at general issues of human rights and female participation rather than at Balinese culture, although only eight editorials [ Tajuk Rencana ] were devoted to women's issues in the four and a half year period covered by the Bali Post Archive.

Implicit in these articles is the notion that Indonesia as a nation must be on a par with other Asian although pointedly not Western countries in providing access to opportunities for women. On the domestic political scene, the recommendation for the 30 per cent quota for female candidates in the national election attracted widespread support with a number of articles and comments between January and August During the term of the last DPR , female representation in regional legislative bodies nationally was less than 5 per cent, compared with 8 per cent at the national level.

With just two female representatives in the national parliament, the DPR, one from Golkar and one from the PDI-P, and one representative from the Golkar party in the regional DPRD, Bali is included among the districts that have the lowest regional level female representation in Indonesia, characteristically districts with strong religious and cultural foundations.

There is a sense, captured satirically in two recent Bali Post cartoons by Gun-gun and Wied N commenting on the 30 per cent quota Figures 7 and 8 , that legislation and affirmative action initiatives to improve participation and access for women may not necessarily succeed in the face of institutionalised gender inequalities, and may even stifle or limit initiatives.

Figure 7. Wied N. Do you doubt my ability? But are there any highly-placed men who'd be willing to give up their seat for you? Gun-gun, 'Brewok,' Bali Post. Women only get 30 per cent.

What percentage do I get Dad? Arguments that Balinese women have held important public roles both historically and in the present are sometimes adduced to support claims to the 'high status' of women in traditional Bali for example by K. Counterarguments are also voiced to suggest that the success of a small number of exceptional women does not prove that problems of inequality have been overcome: Maria Febiola, 'Hentikan Kekerasan Pada Perempuan,' [Stop Violence Against Women].

The need for more participation by Balinese women is not disputed. The dilemma, however, is how this can be accomplished within the framework of Balinese culture. One recent article argues that Balinese women's unwillingness to enter the 'dirty' world of politics is affected by the nature of politics itself, an institutional culture that would violate their sense of femininity 'Wanita Bali Tak Tertarik ke Politik,' Balinese Women are Not Attracted to Politics, 19 July , a vision of women that resonates loudly with pan-Indonesian ideologies about women's innate nature kodrat.

Although Balinese commentators on political participation draw on their local environment to exemplify and explain issues, in these debates, as well as in their pictorial representation in the cartoons included above, overall there is a sense that issues concerning political representation and participation are issues that belong to the national rather than the local agenda.

In other words, without downplaying the importance of the issues themselves, they are rarely seen as impinging on fundamental notions and definitions of Balineseness. Media comment on other contemporary issues that have an impact on women is uncommon. Domestic violence, for example, only receives an occasional mention, usually from non-Balinese writers, or in reports of interviews with activists from outside Bali.

The regional Balinese government's official response to employment issues for women in the formal sector highlights the conditions faced by women generally, which restrict their access to particular forms of employment. National and regional ideological intersections allow paternalistic policies to be invoked in order to protect women when moral codes appear threatened. In August , for example, a major debate arose around the treatment of two overseas workers who, rather than gaining anticipated employment as dancers in Japan, were forced to become bar hostesses.

In this case, a commission of enquiry eventually led to a ruling by the Tourism Department that entrepreneurs would no longer be able to send Balinese female dancers to work overseas.

Resonances with New Order gender ideologies, however, can also call forth national rather than specifically Balinese responses. Balinese women must still comply with the UU 1 law that restricts women's participation in night work without permission from the Labour Department despite the demands of the tourist industry [37] —an issue that resurfaces intermittently in discussions about the perils of tourism for Balinese women.

There is little to separate the discussion of these 'secular' aspects of modernity and participation in national and international spheres in the Balinese media from similar discourses in the Indonesia press more generally.

However, in the context of ajeg Bali and in the face of what appears to be widely held perceptions of the increasing burdens placed on Balinese women by the conflict between modernity and Balinese cultural values, the majority of recent media articles on women instead seek to describe and justify the special place which traditional Balinese culture provides for women, a position that even the benefits of modernity cannot displace.

By supporting gender equality but labelling it a Balinese model, Western feminist models can be rejected as both inappropriate and inferior. The strongest voice for conservative views in Bali in the last five years is that of Luh Ketut Suryani. She represents modern expertise on women's issues and is active in a number of social justice and welfare programs. Her multiple roles as highly educated medical practitioner, meditation guru, social activist and Balinese cultural expert allow her to 'speak for' Balinese women.

Her cultural preservationist standpoint, however, is a powerful force in shaping the debate about women's rights. She has a weekly one hour program on Bali TV 'Perempuan Bali Kini' [Balinese Women Today] and has recently published a book with the same title which comprises short think-pieces relating to women, many of which had already appeared in the Bali Post and Mingguan Bali Info. In Suryani's view, there is no fundamental problem with associating with foreigners, or in studying with them in order to take what is useful from the West, but Balinese women must still strive to retain their Balinese identity.

The prime focus of Suryani's perspective is on the responsibilities of women as mothers, particularly their roles as caregivers and principal educators of their children and supporters of the family unit.

Echoing New Order gender ideology, Balinese culture is portrayed as giving prominence to work and family culture. Balinese women, for example, are expected to accept responsibility for the education of their children.

Women must strive to take better care of their children to protect them from social evils. Her concerns are echoed by other contributors. As Hindu women, Balinese mothers must take a proactive role in teaching their children about religion. No matter what other daily pressures they face, they are urged to balance ritual work, career and family.

For example, they have an obligation to pass on the their knowledge of making offerings to their daughters rather than buying them ready-made and thus risking the loss of irreplaceable cultural knowledge.

The recent expansion of offerings 'catering,' that is the professional provision of ready-made offerings in order to decrease personal commitments of time, is regarded as something of an affront. A possible compromise is suggested in a recent cartoon by Ardi taken from a issue of the Balinese cartoon magazine BogBog edited by Jango Pramartha and Surya Darma which is devoted to humorous representations of Balinese women see Figure 9.

Figure 9. Ardi, 'Modernity versus Tradition. Rini, another frequent Bali Post contributor who takes a strongly conservative stance. A recurrent theme is the need for the external appearance of women to match their inner purity, a call for careful attention to women's nature, the kodrat wanita of nationalist gender discourse. This theme is reflected in comments such as those stressing the need to cultivate inner morality to deal with marital issues.

Similarly, considerable importance is attached to the banning of inappropriate modern fashions, such as transparent blouses and short hair, from religious contexts, as well as calls to Balinese women to continue to wear the traditional bun to temple ceremonies, a favourite topic of—usually male—writers of letters to the editor. Rather than a place of subjugation, it is claimed the majority of Balinese women believe tradition brings respect and value it as something that sets them apart.

This image is one of the earliest Western stereotypes of gender relations in Bali and one that is still prevalent in Bali. Nevertheless, the first Western description of the status of Balinese women, dating from , was a positive one. It is an image that matches well the views of contemporary culturally conservative media commentators. Thomas Stamford Raffles noted that: 'Their women, in particular, who are here on a perfect equality with the men, and not required to perform many of the severe and degrading labours imposed on them in Java, are frank and unreserved.

In their domestic relations their manners are amicable, respectful, and decorous. Figure Panca, 'Modernity versus Tradition. While the recent anthropological studies discussed above show clearly that labouring falls only to those without income, contacts or other alternatives, arguments are presented in the media that insist Balinese women should be happy to undertake physical labour not just because of economic need but to honour the life-giving principle through their labour.

However heavy the burden of their multiple roles may be, there is an onus on women to undertake laborious roles in religious ceremonies without complaint and with appropriate consideration for the proper functioning of society.

Moreover, because Balinese women are said to gain a sense of pride in being involved in adat their toil cannot therefore be regarded as exploitation, as exemplified by Luh Ketut Suryani in ' Yadnya, Bentuk Keterpanggilan Orang Bali ,' [Ceremonies: A Balinese Calling].

By contrast, a large number of human interest stories focus on women from the lowest socio-economic sectors as illustrative of the moral and social value of Balinese customary roles in spite of terrible personal circumstances. The moral being drawn is that Balinese women can always draw sufficient comfort from their religion and culture to rise above grinding poverty and adversity. This tendency has been particularly evident in the treatment of the social consequences for Balinese women of the Bali bombings.

The only specifically gender-nuanced stories in the Bali Post after the Kuta bombing were a handful of personal portraits that highlighted the plight of widows drawn from the lowest socio-economic groups and left without support by the deaths of their husbands.

Culturally conservative views of women stress the indivisibility of religion [ agama ], tradition [ adat ] and culture [ budaya ] in preserving Balinese identity.

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